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UPDATE FROM 2018 and 2020: Merkel on the way out. No, seriously this time. Login/Join 
Grapes of Wrath
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quote:
Originally posted by Steyn:
TL;DR.


Ironically, I just finished reading through this entire thread to come upon your inane post.

Rule #1: Don't be a dick.
 
Posts: 1455 | Location: Texas | Registered: March 09, 2005Reply With QuoteReport This Post
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Thanks BansheeOne. I follow your well-written, informative posts with interest.




"The Truth, when first uttered, is always considered heresy."
 
Posts: 2541 | Location: West of Fort Worth | Registered: March 05, 2008Reply With QuoteReport This Post
Grapes of Wrath
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Originally posted by BansheeOne:

ETA chart of German national polling to clarify the last.



While it seems natural that SPD movement would correlate with The Greens, it seems odd people are switching between CDU and Green, with little fluctuation in the other parties.

Multiparty systems must end up forcing strange bedfellows and interesting compromises.
 
Posts: 1455 | Location: Texas | Registered: March 09, 2005Reply With QuoteReport This Post
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In a very German way, the Greens are actually quite conservative - that is, with a strong traditional love for nature and regulations. I like to call them the garden owners association among German parties (unless you are familiar with the allotment garden hobby scene and its anal ways here, that joke doesn't translate well though). They were long split between a leftist "fundi" and moderate "realo" wing, but after they got trounced with a leftist campaign in the 2013 national elections while winning the 2011 Baden-Württemberg state elections with conservative figures, the former have all but yielded the field and the later have taken over.

In fact the Baden-Württemberg party is basically a green-painted CDU, currently in a government coalition with the original; state minister president Winfried Kretschmann, the first and only of his kind, is naturally supportive of the state's native auto industry (Mercedes and Porsche), and Tübingen mayor Boris Palmer frequently irks his more liberal northern co-partisans with his criticism of immigrants (he's currently also embroiled in an affair of getting into a nighttime streetside shouting match with some student after an event, then trying to cite him for public disturbance as head of local law enforcement - it doesn't get any more German than that).

The essential thing to know is that traditional German conservativism is of the statist big government type. This includes issues like public welfare - the German system was introduced by Bismarck in the late 19th century, who wanted to prevent precarious social conditions empowering the Social Democrats. Small government is the reserve of classical liberals (think libertarians) in Europe, like the German FDP. They used to be the traditional coalition partners of CDU/CSU, strengthening the latter's pro-market positions against their statist streaks. But they dropped out of national parliament in 2013 after disappointing public performance in government, and are competing with the Greens over different interpretations of liberalism (basically, classical vs. progressive) as partners for different interpretations of conservativism (big vs. small government).

Today, Hesse and Schleswig-Holstein are other states with CDU-Green coalition governments, the latter also including the FDP. This option was explored at the national level after last year's elections, too; but the FDP didn't want to be ground up in another Merkel government after just recovering from their 2013 defeat, this time alongside the Greens. It might well be realized in the next government without Merkel though, either with or without the FDP. The mobile mass between CDU/CSU and the Greens are mainly urban well-off voters with high education and basic conservative values, often with families, who like to think they are really liberal and tolerant, and want to conserve a healthy environment for their children.

If you think that's confusing from an American point of view, look at the big losers of modern political development in Germany, the Social Democrats. First the Greens took away their progressive voters in the 80s; then after the unpopular, but necessary welfare reforms under Gerhard Schröder in the early 2000s the Left Party took their disgruntled left wing. The Merkel CDU stole practically any issue from them which looked like it could gain them traction, ideology be damned. That in turn contributed heavily to the rise of the right-wing AfD, which attracted many disgruntled conservatives - but also stole a lot of working-class voters from both the Social Democrats and Left Party, in part on demands to roll back Schröder's welfare cuts (and in East Germany, even to re-introduce the socialist amenities of the old DDR). Remember - German conservativism is statist.
 
Posts: 2416 | Location: Berlin, Germany | Registered: April 12, 2005Reply With QuoteReport This Post
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Vote on the CDU chair at the convention tomorrow before noon, though it may take longer if none of the candidates scores an immediate majority and there is a run-off between the top two. Of the also-rans, one Hamburg businessman has been mentioned to possibly get an on-the-spot nomination by some friendly delegates, but is not credited with any actual chances. All candidates are reportedly working possible supporters among the delegates. The winner is expected to present a candidate for becoming the next secretary general which will be voted on the next day, since Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer has announced to resign all party offices if she doesn't make it.

It has been suggested that the winner will chose somebody representing what he/she doesnt to unite the party after the somewhat divisive campaign; AKK a conservative man - possibly Carsten Linneman, head of the CDU's powerful medium businesses association, or Young Conservatives president Paul Ziemiak -, Merz maybe a woman from East Germany. As for Jens Spahn, the general question of observers now merely is how well he will score in third place.

In the last days before tomorrow's vote, prominent supporters of Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer and Friedrich Merz have come out to endorse their peference. Bundestag speaker Wolfgang Schäuble, who has of course been known to have facilitated Merz's run for some time, was first - though he interestingly contradicted the latter's claim that he once suggested Angela Merkel as CDU secretary general to Schäuble (who became party head after Helmut Kohl left in 1998) in a timely documentation by public broadcaster ARD on the events surrounding Angela Merkel's announcement to step down as CDU head, the careers of the three top contenders for her chair and their early campaign trail, as well as the networks and backroom deals that were the order of business since the party last made an open choice between Rainer Barzel and Helmut Kohl in 1971 (in German, obviously).

The major fact from the docu that also made other news before release is that then-finance minister Schäuble and Merz already talked about one of them challenging Merkel in 2015/16 after an earlier string of lost state elections; both had been critical of her policy on the Greek bailout earlier, too, which they thought too lenient. In the end Schäuble decided for loyality though. Merz's claim that he suggested Merkel as CDU secretary general would make it even more tangible how pissed he was when she pushed him out of the party's Bundestag group leadership four years later, when it is alleged he thought she was already on a descending track.

EU Finance Commissioner and former Baden-Württemberg state minister president Günther Oettinger has become another open Merz Supporter. Angela Merkel's chief of staff Peter Altmaier promptly criticized Schäuble for his public endorsement and countered by endorsing AKK (both are of course Saarlanders). Previously Schleswig-Holstein state minister president Daniel Günther, former federal labor minister Norbert Blüm of the CDU's workers wing, and NRW state interior minister Herbert Reul also spoke out for her. The only statements Jens Spahn got seem to be polite advice to quit.

In general media, Merz still receives most scrutiny, mostly over his business positions in the last decade, his resulting wealth and his reluctance to own up to it. The last was criticism of his proposal for tax breaks on buying stocks to secure retirement. Some have also tried to paint him as a brash, aloof personality who tends to abuse restaurant staff and once rewarded a homeless man who found and returned his lost laptop computer with a copy of this book "Only He Who Changes Will Persist. Of the end of the wealth illusion - Defining a course for the future". We'll know more in a little over 24 hours. Afterwards we'll probably see some more definite movement in national polls. So far it seems that both CDU and AfD bottomed out in mid-November and are slowly gaining again at the expense of the Greens who are declining from their all-time high at that point.
 
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Never heard of her
 
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Thank you for the fascinating write-up, I have enjoyed reading it and look forward to further updates.


Laughing in the face of danger is all well and good until danger laughs back.
 
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Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer elected quite narrowly with 517 votes against 482 for Friedrich Merz in a run-off. There were no ad-hoc nominations of further candidates. All three contenders held more or less overly long speeches (20 minutes were agreed for each; AKK exceeded by two, Merz by nine), followed by questioning from delegates about issues like abortion, when they would name their choice for the next secretary general, etc.

Observers thought AKK and Jens Spahn delivered some of their best speeches respectively. Merz was solid after a slow start, talking mostly about pushing back the AfD; but he is known as a brilliant speaker and didn't exceed expectations like AKK, who focussed on courage for the party, speaking against letting it being driven by the fringe, and refuting that she was just a Mini-Merkel. Spahn stressed his youth and winning more of the young generation, securing a better-than expected 157 votes in the first round of the election with 392 for Merz and 450 for AKK, forcing the run-off.

I had a feeling AKK would win, but was really not sure; applause was quite the same for all three. The result indicates continuity for the rest of the current term, but was really tight, showing some polarization in the party. Merz has of course asked his voters for support of the new chair, but she will need to do some work of her own to unite the party under her.

quote:
Originally posted by BansheeOne:
The winner is expected to present a candidate for becoming the next secretary general which will be voted on the next day, since Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer has announced to resign all party offices if she doesn't make it.

It has been suggested that the winner will chose somebody representing what he/she doesnt to unite the party after the somewhat divisive campaign; AKK a conservative man - possibly Carsten Linneman, head of the CDU's powerful medium businesses association, or Young Conservatives president Paul Ziemiak


AKK did indeed nominate Ziemiak, which covers the young male conservative angle. He was however subsequently elected with just a 63-percent vote by delegates, which is surprisingly low and not particularly indicative of the party reuniting. Ziemiak was born to an ethnic German family in Poland and is friends with Jens Spahn (who was himself elected to the CDU's executive committee with an 89-percent vote as a sop; he has of course lots of political mileage left to rise further). People have also called upon Friedrich Merz to continue serving the party in a leading position, though he hasn't reacted to that yet.

AfD and FDP on the right reacted critically to selection of AKK, basically saying that she represented more of the same. OTOH, the Left Party said she wouldn't make the CDU a more open, liberal party - which of course wasn't the plan of any candidate, either. SPD and Greens overall welcomed the convention's choice. I'll probably make another post in a week or so to sort the immediate political fallout.
 
Posts: 2416 | Location: Berlin, Germany | Registered: April 12, 2005Reply With QuoteReport This Post
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So here's the sweep-up. A week after the CDU leadership decision, the party has continued its rebound in the polls to generally cross the magical 30-percent line again; that's three to six points up from their October low and comes mostly at the expense of the Greens, who have dropped three to five from their corresponding high. I'm a little surprised the AfD hasn't risen further, too, but in fact dropped back to 13-15 percent after it recently looked like they were also recovering from their low during the Green high. I would have thought that selection of the notionally most liberal CDU candidate, the "Mini-Merkel", would make conservative fence-sitters revert back to them.

There are various possible explanations of course. One is that Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer successfully distanced herself from her previous image during the campaign, and in fact came across as more conservative than her competitors on some positions like (the long-settled issue of) same-sex marriage. Then again maybe it's just the attraction of a fresh start after 18 years of Merkel's leadership per se, and particularly the unusually lively public campaigning in a party that used to select its heads in backroom deals, sometimes keeping them for donkey years (Konrad Adenauer served for 20 if you include his pre-FRG time in the British Zone of Occupation, Helmut Kohl for 25).

Poll numbers indicate that the CDU low coincided with a high of undecideds/non-voters, and the latter's numbers shrunk again parallel to the party's subsequent rise, so the process seems to have activated voters either way. It's impossible to know how election of another candidate would have turned out, obviously. AfD co-head Alexander Gauland had noted something prior to the decision I think is quite correct: Merz wouldn't have hurt the far right in East Germany where it's strongest too much, because to their voters there he is an evil capitalist American puppet. Gauland opined that Jens Spahn would have been the greatest challenge, but even AKK doesn't carry the same burden of being perceived as an aloof representative of a sinister rich international elite. There is of course the possibility that the AfD is failing to attract more conservatives due to its increasing radicalism, too.

AKK's primary challenge as new CDU head remains to reunite the party, particularly regarding the Merz fanbase who are currently acting as rather unsporting losers in the close decision, in contrast to their candidate himself. Their disappointment was first shown in the mediocre election result for current Young Conservatives' head Paul Ziemiak as AKK's pick for the secretary general post. Apparently they see him at best as a turncoat, and some are spreading conspiracy theories that as head of the party's youth wing which had previously endorsed Jens Spahn, he engineered their vote to go to AKK in the run-off.

The official story is that she had asked him first before the election, but he declined on the reason that he wouldn't vote for her; he hadn't made any personal preference known himself, probably because he is also from Merz's district of the Sauerland. She then hit him up again after her election on the side of the dancefloor at the Young Conservatives regular disco night on Saturday, and he agreed. The story has been questioned even by neutral observers, but knowing JU dance nights, I wouldn't rule it out.

Merz himself still hasn't responded on calls to continue serving the CDU in a leading role however, though some supporters have called for him to become minister of economy in lieu of Merkel's close confidant Peter Altmaier, who pissed them of by endorsing AKK in response to Bundestag speaker Wolfgang Schäuble coming out for Merz. That would be Merkel's call though, and most observers don't see her elevating her old rival after she has now ceded the party leadership and announced not to run for chancellor or any other political office in 2021 again; particularly since her serving out the term is now all but secured by her own candidate's election.

However, as part of her attempt to rebuild her image and bring the party together, AKK has stated that under her, there is going to be a more equilibrious triangle between cabinet, Bundestag group and the party-at-large, and she is going to contradict Merkel where necessary. If she is serious about that, she might of course push a little for what is good for the latter, not the chancellor's personal preferences. Overall though, Merkel is likely to become the first chancellor who leaves office on her own terms rather than being voted out or falling victim to changing parliamentary coalitions.
 
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quote:
Originally posted by az4783054:
People who vote for liberal US candidates pay little attention to what's happening in Europe.


Or that much talked about country in S.America.
 
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If only the subject line of this thread were true!

Her departure from German politics is, IMO, long long overdue.


Elk

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FBHO!!!



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Guess it's time to dust off this thread. It's taken longer than I thought; against general expectations, the grand coalition government in Berlin has held up so far, and the next regular national elections are still about 18 months away. However, the head of Angela Merkel's Christian Democratic Union, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, just announced that she will not seek the chancellorship and resign as party leader after a short unlucky reign. See earlier posts about her rise.

This comes in an acute political crisis topping off a string of difficult state elections in East Germany. Traditionally, the Left Party - successor to the former socialist state party of the GDR, with some West German far leftists added - has been strong there; to the point where the state of Thuringia has been ruled by a minister president of theirs for the last five years, if a particularly moderate one who is basically a classic social democrat. However, the new AfD has been breaking into their voter demographic with the same anti-establishment, anti-globalization, pro-welfare messages with a right-wing flavor. In summation, the left and right fringe have gained to the point where the center parties find it hard to form majority governments without them in East Germany; a whiff of Weimar, if you want. Social Democrats and Greens have long found in acceptable to enter into coalitions with the Left, like in Thuringia. However, Merkel's CDU has maintained a policy of cooperating with neither the left nor right fringe, despite some East Germans in the party being open for either to secure majorities.

In the recent Thuringia elections, the Left became strongest party again, but its "Red-Red-Green" coalition with SPD and Greens lost its majority; in part because the AfD reached second place. The latter could have formed a government with the CDU and classical liberal FDP, but the latter wouldn't support either them or minister president Bodo Ramelow of the Left. So Red-Red-Green tried to form a minority government on a plurality of the state assembly in the third round of voting. Instead, an outsider candidate of the FDP got elected when both CDU and AfD voted for him, the latter instead of their own candidate in a surprise move. Hilarity ensued.

The left camp went apoplectic over CDU and FDP voting with the bloody fascists of the AfD (nevermind that SPD and Greens had themselves helped into power next door in Saxony-Anhalt four years after reunification in a similar, but openly premediated way by the then-PDS, the barely-reformed East German state party) . The SPD had had their own leadership shakeup recently when their national head resigned in frustration, and a duo of left-wing outsiders was unexpectedly voted in by the party base over the establishment candidates. Those two had run on criticism of SPD participation in the unloved grand coalition in Berlin, but toned it down after their election. However, they immediately seized upon the Thuringia affair to question staying in national government with the CDU.

The national CDU wasn't happy either, and almost everybody wanted new elections in Thuringia as a clean way out of the hangup. However the state CDU disagreed, mostly out of fear for losing further seats. National head Kramp-Karrenbauer, her already waning authority further damaged by the Thuringians going against the non-cooperation dogma - in spirit if not by the letter - accepted that position after a lengthy session with the local group. Which was promptly contradicted by a joint statement of the national CDU and SPD leaderships after a crisis meeting on the future of the Berlin coalition. I guess at that point AKK saw that she would never unite the party behind her for a 2021 run at the chancellorship and, saying that both positions should be in the same hands, announced to resign CDU leadership. What comes next is unclear. The grand coalition isn't out of the woods of Thuringia yet, and we may still see early national elections.

But first, a break for the folks who didn't see the thread at the time and will reply to early posts without reading the rest.
 
Posts: 2416 | Location: Berlin, Germany | Registered: April 12, 2005Reply With QuoteReport This Post
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Some needs to shoot a garlic encrusted silver-plated crucifix made of holly that was watered with Holy Water though Merkel's head.





Nice is overrated

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Airsoftguy, June 29, 2018
 
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The succession fight is now on (again). After AKK's resignation announcement, her previous contenders for CDU leadership - party conservatives Jens Spahn and Friedrich Merz - promptly jockeyed for the position once more. Another quickly-suggested candidate was North Rhine-Westphalia state minister president Armin Laschet. Like the others he initially remained officially undeclared, but conventional wisdom was that he would weaken his position as head of the party's biggest state chapter if he passed again now that it was about both CDU leadership and the chancellor candidacy. Notably he popped up as a state politician on a panel at the recent Munich Security Conference where he distanced himself from some of Angela Merkel's policies, despite being generally considered a close ally to her.

There was also a suggestion that he, Merz and Spahn could form a leadership team, with the top dog to be determined. While everybody was getting comfortable with that idea, the head of the Bundestag's foreign committee Norbert Röttgen popped up from left field and announced his candidacy. Röttgen is former minister for the environment, but got dumped by Angela Merkel in 2012 after failing to win the minister presidency of his native North Rhine-Westphalia while trying to keep his federal cabinet post as a backup. That makes him the fourth NRW candidate; like Laschet, he's considered to be from the party's liberal wing, but his history means he still has some anti-Merkel credentials.

Merz was to officially announce his candidacy at a press conference at 1100 hrs this Tuesday. Laschet and Spahn, who had secretly agreed to form a team as head and vice respectively, promptly stole his thunder by announcing same at 0930 already. For good measure, the first declared contender Röttgen tweeted in the middle of Merz' press conference that he was going to seek a woman for the post of party secretary general if he should win. So the three-way contest between a conservative, a liberal and a mixed team is officially on, and may be resolved at a special convention on 25 April. There are contrary opinions on how much the party base should be involved in the selection.

The question whether the winner should also be designated chancellor candidate for 2021 at the same time, rather early, currently also remains open, with arguments for and against; a complication is that the Bavarian CSU is not involved in selection of the CDU head, but should be in that of the joint chancellor candidate. Some have pointed out that in light of how AKK withered on the vine besides Angela Merkel, the next party leader should demand that the chancellor step down quickly. Which would mean early elections, since the Social Democrats have stated that they won't elect another chancellor in the current coalition. Like in the last go-around, Merkel herself has stated she's staying out of the succession process.
 
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Auf Wiedersehen Angela. Hoffe die Tür trifft dich auf dem Weg nach draußen in den Arsch.


______________________________________________
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^^^^^
I don't speak German, but I HAVE to assume that translates to "So long, Angela. Don't let the door hit you in the ass". Just a SWAG, based on the disdain for that woman...Big Grin



"If you’re a leader, you lead the way. Not just on the easy ones; you take the tough ones too…” – MAJ Richard D. Winters (1918-2011), E Company, 2nd Battalion, 506th Parachute Infantry Regiment, 101st Airborne

"Woe to those who call evil good, and good evil... Therefore, as tongues of fire lick up straw and as dry grass sinks down in the flames, so their roots will decay and their flowers blow away like dust; for they have rejected the law of the Lord Almighty and spurned the word of the Holy One of Israel." - Isaiah 5:20,24
 
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I don't speak German, but I HAVE to assume that translates to "So long, Angela. Don't let the door hit you in the ass". Just a SWAG, based on the disdain for that woman...

Bingo!
 
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As noted on the German (no) F-35 thread (funny how things are connected):

quote:
But two years from now is on the other side of the next elections even if the current term runs to its regular end in late 2021, and the Christian Democrats of AKK and Chancellor Merkel are currently profitting from an unexpected windfall of poll hikes caused by the corona crisis. It's said that crises are the hour of the executive, and that's certainly true in the current situation where CDU/CSU have gained 12-13 points in the last six weeks, to numbers approaching 40 percent, not seen since before the last election.

At the same time the SPD has been barely holding at 16-17, and the two opposition parties profitting most from previous political polarization - the Greens on the one hand, and the right-wing AfD on the other - have both dropped below them for the first time in a year. So while the SPD has flirted with leaving the unloved grand coalition government basically for all this term, for the first time CDU/CSU could not only afford, but would benefit from it happening now while the wind is behind them and in the face of everybody else who would become either future opposition or junior coalition partner.

If they were cynical to a degree they haven't demonstrated under Merkel so far, they probably should let the government fail and go for snap elections as soon as deciding on the succession of AKK as current party head, and on the candidate to run for chancellor after Merkel, who has long announced to not seek reelection after this term. That process is currently also on corona-related hold, as the special convention to determine the first has been postponed indefinitely from the planned date on the next weekend (I'm reminded to update the Merkel succession thread, since the crisis is also impacting the leadership race).


First an illustration of the above:



The ironic thing is that after one crisis caused a big hit for the popular support of Merkel and her CDU in 2015, she now has an excellent chance of going out on a high note next year after another, which would make her the first German post-war chancellor to leave office on her own terms. Even more ironic because she handled both crises essentially the same way - taking extraordinary measures driven by events and telling people "we can do this". There is just nowhere near the same public polarization about the government response now than there was over the refugee issue, while the impact is actually much bigger.*

It's increasingly questionable whether there will be a special convention to decide on the next party leadership before the regular conference in December at all. Meanwhile, the team of Armin Laschet and Jens Spahn has gotten all the media exposure as minister president of the most populous German state (North Rhine-Westphalia) and federal health minister respectively. Friedrich Merz' main claim to fame has been catching the bug himself and home-quaranting for two weeks, then making some unusual compliments on how the Merkel government is handling the crisis. Nobody is even talking of Norbert Röttgen anymore. Depending upon the eventual date of the decisive convention, the Laschet-Spahn duo looks like a shoe-in.

Laschet has also made it his platform to push for easing restrictions as soon as possible, while his Bavarian colleague Markus Söder has been in the lead of taking strict measures. That's being seen as a separate competition to become the conservative candidate for the next chancellorship, though Söder has claimed for some time that's not his ambition. However, as head of the Bavarian CSU he has also insisted that the next leader of the national CDU will not be the automatic candidate, but the Bavarians will have to be heard about it; and claims of politicians that they don't want to rise any higher are not necessarily to be taken serious as the decision approaches.


* BTW for those who understand German, "The Driven" was just on TV here, based upon the book by the same name, the most detailed and critical account of events in the 2015 crisis. It's available online until 15 July. I found the first half somewhat disjointed and overemphasizing the inner-German powerplays, and dialogue too stilted throughout. But the pieces came together by the middle, and where I thought it did a good job was showing how the refugee issue built up over a long time before that summer while everybody was occupied with other things. Depiction of Bavarian state minister president Horst Seehofer as a tottery old man was exaggerated in my view, but the rivalry with his eventual successor Markus Söder which largely informed subsequent divisions about government actions in the conservative camp is real.
 
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Revisiting this thread another year later since all the candidates for the chancellorship who matter have now been selected, mostly by their respective inner-party contenders surrendering. The Social Democrats nominated current grand coalition vice chancellor and finance minister Olaf Scholz last August already in a sop to the party's moderate wing, after he had previously lost a base referendum for the national chairmanship to a left-wing duo. This Monday, the Greens' own leadership duo announced that they had agreed between themselves that their female half, Annalena Baerbock, would run as the party's first-ever official chancellor candidate rather than co-chair Robert Habeck.

Habeck is arguably better known and more popular outside the party and has actual government experience as a former Schleswig-Holstein state minister, but Baerbock is better connected within the party, and had the being-a-woman thing going for her. While that may be seen as a reversion to ideology over substance by a party considering itself feminist, it is actually a distinguishing mark against both other biggish parties fielding male candidates. As current polls indicate that the next government cannot be formed without the Greens, and they may possibly even lead it, she is seen as holding the key to the outcome (see news piece below).

Baerbock certainly reinforced the Green attempt to become a new "people's" or big tent party integrating voters beyond a narrow ideological base in her presentation speech, appealing to a national view of a Germany that invented both the car and the bicycle, revolutionized energy production etc., rather positive tunes for the Greens. She also raised eyebrows both within and outside the party when she gave her first big interview as a candidate to private broadcaster Pro 7; historically, the relationship between the Greens and private TV has been rather distanced, but there was little distance to be seen in the segment that was peculiarly pushed in before the final episodes of the "Chernobyl" mini-series.

Her nomination put pressure on Angela Merkel's Christian Democrats and their Bavarian siblings of the Christian Social Union to finally agree on a joint candidate of their own after a drawn-out muddled process. Previously, North Rhine-Westphalia state premier Armin Laschet had finally beaten inner-party contenders to be elected new chairman of the CDU, but was still facing competition from his Bavarian colleague and CSU head Markus Söder for the candidacy. Söder was in fact more popular throughout the Union despite playing cute over his ambitions. Historically, conservatives have always looked to a Bavarian minister president as a savior when there was broad discontent with the state of the CDU - but both times one of them actually answered the call, he lost in the general election.

With an apparent majority of the CDU base, state chapters and Bundestag group tending towards Söder, the latter declared that he would submit to the bigger party's choice. However, when he went to a meeting with the CDU national board on Monday, the body stuck to Laschet. Söder subsequently reneged on the candidacy, so Laschet it is due to evaporation of alternatives. He has an uphill battle before him though. The COVID crisis bonus for CDU/CSU from last year has long worn off as we went into the third wave with a slow start of vaccinations, leading to new restrictions everyone is tired off. It didn't help that several conservative members of parliament were found to have facilitated public deals with mask makers for generous provisions. See auto-updating polltracker above for recent developments.

quote:
The Green Kingmaker

Annalena Baerbock Holds the Keys to Germany's Next Election

This fall, a politician with the Green Party could become German chancellor for the first time. Annalena Baerbock is a far more dynamic candidate than her conservative and center-left competitors - and she could be poised for a senior position in the next government, if not the country's top political office.

By Sophie Garbe, Konstantin von Hammerstein, Christoph Hickmann, Christiane Hoffmann, Dirk Kurbjuweit, Timo Lehmann, Jonas Schaible, Christoph Schult, Christian Teevs und Severin Weiland

23.04.2021, 18.15 Uhr

With elections approaching in Germany this fall, one narrative that we will frequently see on the campaign trail has already taken shape. Two against one.

Two men against one woman.

Two 60(ish)-year-olds against a 40-year-old.

Two lawyers against a political scientist with a focus on international law. Two governing professionals against a parliamentarian with no executive experience. Two representatives from Germany's traditional big-tent parties against the candidate of a party hoping to become the next big-tent party.

It is astonishing how similar Armin Laschet, the chancellor candidate from the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), and Olaf Scholz, who is running for the Social Democrats (SPD), really are when you look closely. Particularly when compared with the chancellor candidate from the Green Party: Annalena Baerbock.

Two against one. Or: Old against new. The question will be whether the old wins out once again. Or whether the time is ripe for something new.

At first glance, there are a number of factors in Germany suggesting that it is time to turn the page. Germany finds itself at a crossroads: The pandemic has mixed everything up and many erstwhile certainties have now been called into question. The old way of doing things did not prove itself in this crisis.

In September, an unsettled, unnerved country will be going to the polls. The pandemic could largely be under control by then, but the climate crisis certainly won't be. And that crisis, too, will result in significant upheavals.

And for the first time since 1949, the chancellor will not be up for reelection. There will be no incumbent bonus. The era of Angela Merkel is coming to an end and she is leaving behind a fragmented conservative camp. The Union – the conservative pairing of the CDU and its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU) – has held the reins of power in Germany since 2005. But the Union's claim to the Chancellery is weaker now than it has been in years.

It is a completely new situation for the country, and the outcome is open. But it looks as though there is no getting around Annalena Baerbock. The Greens, polls show, will almost certainly be part of Germany's next government, but in what capacity? What role will voters choose for Baerbock? That of chancellor? Or merely vice chancellor?

Can we even imagine a Chancellor Baerbock? For many, she is still something of an unknown, even if the Greens chose her as their candidate earlier this week. Perhaps that's not a bad thing at this moment of German history. Baerbock, in any case, has already promised to introduce a new leadership style.

First, though, she must survive the crucible of the campaign and defeat Laschet and Scholz if she wants to become the leader of a Green republic. On the eve of the 2017 campaign, SPD candidate Martin Schulz shot up in the polls and looked to be in prime position to challenge Merkel's primacy before his candidacy crashed and burned, with Schulz emerging from the election as a meaningless backbencher. There is hardly a career challenge around that is more difficult than the one now facing Baerbock.

Can she do it? What are her strengths and weaknesses relative to her adversaries? What roles do the parties play and what coalitions might emerge? Let's have a look.

Can She Do It?

Annalena Baerbock has already managed to achieve something that is rarely, if ever, seen in politics. Within the space of not even eight years, she has gone from being a freshly elected parliamentarian to her party's chancellor candidate. She moved past several others on the way, and yet none of them have a bad thing to say about her.

Such a climb is normally not possible without, as is frequently said in politics, leaving a few bodies on the side of the road: embittered losers who frequently have spine-chilling tales to tell about the methods employed by the victor. Such narratives tend to be even worse when a woman is involved. For years, Merkel was referred to in some quarters as a black widow, because she had managed to sideline her competitors within the CDU.

There are no such narratives about Baerbock, which says something about the unity within the Green Party, but also about Baerbock's character. It looks as though she doesn't play dirty, yet she nevertheless has the necessary thirst for power. Robert Habeck, who is the co-leader of the Green Party and who stepped aside to get out of Baerbock's way, told the influential German weekly Die Zeit: "There is nothing I wanted more than to serve this republic as chancellor."

It's not easy to get past someone with such clear ambitions. And to do so without stepping on anyone's toes.

[...]

Is Her Party Ready?

The Greens used to be notoriously divided, a party that loved to argue. These days, though, they are focused on achieving the greatest degree of unity possible. And this dedication to consensus sometimes seems almost like a fetish.

Baerbock, in any case, doesn't need to worry that she will meet the same fate as Jürgen Trittin, the Green Party candidate in the 2013 campaign. Back then, the Greens were cleaved into two camps: the left-wing and the "Realo" wing, made up of pragmatists. Trittin had managed to force through a left-leaning platform, complete with wide-ranging tax increases. But the Realos began launching salvos of criticism aimed at Trittin even as the ultimately unsuccessful campaign was still underway. Under Baerbock, though, there are no leftists and Realos anymore, just Greens.

Within the Green Party group in parliament, Baerbock has assembled a group of confidants with whom she exchanges views. It includes deputy floor leader Oliver Krischer and senior whip Britta Hasselmann, who is seen as a possible future floor leader. Baerbock also has close ties with senior party members Katharina Dröge and Agnieszka Brugger – and that is just her closest circle. Baerbock is very good at assembling allies.

The Greens haven't been part of a federal government in Germany since 2005 and the party is hungry for power. It used to be that at Green Party conferences, it was necessary to provide an extensive argument for why one wanted to be in government. This time around, though, the opposite is true, with those preferring to remain in the opposition more of a rarity.

[...]

How Could Baerbock End Up in the Chancellery?

Mathematically, the most likely coalition that fall elections might produce is a pairing of the Green Party with the Union. That would mean that Baerbock would only end up chancellor if the Greens were able to eke out a victory over the conservatives, as has happened in the last two state elections in Baden-Württemberg. Thus far, though, there has been little to indicate that such a thing might happen at the federal level. On the other hand, though, public opinion has been more volatile than normal this year, with political sentiment changing quickly. Results that seemed absurd not too long ago are now within the realm of possibility.

The question is whether the Union would accept a junior role. The party has learned in Baden-Württemberg that it's not easy to find your way out of little brother status once it has been established. The Greens have now solidified their role as the supreme political power in the state.

The next option would be a potential "traffic-light coalition," matching the Greens with the SPD (traditionally represented by red) and the business-friendly Free Democrats (FDP – yellow). For Baerbock to become the chancellor of such a coalition, the Greens would only have to beat out the SPD, a far lower hurdle to clear. Such a coalition already exists in the state of Rhineland-Palatinate – though under SPD leadership – and it has proven itself. Many Greens in Baden-Württemberg had been hoping for such a coalition in that state, too, following elections there in March, but Governor Winfried Kretschmann preferred to retain his partnership with the CDU.

What would be the primary project of such a coalition government? It wouldn't likely be social equality, since the gulf between the SPD and the FDP is far too wide for that. There would also be significant differences on climate issues between the Greens, the pro-industry SPD and pro-business FDP. One could, though, easily imagine an alliance focused primarily on updating the country's technological infrastructure, particularly when it comes to digitalization – an area where Germany fell behind during the Merkel years.

The question is whether the Greens are really as fresh and modern as they look. The party remains home to plenty of skeptics who see technological innovation as more of a risk than an opportunity. That's one of the reasons why FDP leader Christian Lindner is rather cautious in his approach to Baerbock and her party. After she was named the party's chancellor candidate, he said he was looking forward to "exchanging political viewpoints" with Baerbock. Internally, though, he was more direct: Before it would be possible to assess her suitability as chancellor, he said, Baerbock will have to declare whether she would accept support from the far-left Left Party.

Because elements of the Left Party are rooted in the former East German communist party, the FDP and the Union are extremely skeptical of working with them. But there are those within the Green Party who would be happy to form a coalition with the SPD and the Left Party – known as a "green-red-red" in German political parlance. "It's no secret that we have far more policy similarities with the SPD and the Left Party than we do with the Union and FDP," says parliamentarian Sven-Christian Kindler.

Still, many in the Greens don't trust the Left Party, believing that its parliamentary group is unreliable – that it includes too many fundamentalists whose support couldn't be depended on when it came to important parliamentary votes on sensitive issues. Against that backdrop, such a coalition would likely only be considered if it could assemble a clear majority. If there was such a majority, believes Left Party parliamentarian Klaus Ernst, the Green Party base would not be happy were it to go unused.

Even senior Left Party parliamentarian Sahra Wagenknecht sees "possibilities for cooperation" on social, environmental and tax issues. The biggest hurdles to such an alliance, she says, are "in foreign policy, with Ms. Baerbock's support for rearmament, the expansion of German military operations and the confrontation with Russia."

What Are Laschet's Advantages Over Baerbock?

In recent months, CDU chair Armin Laschet, the Union's candidate for chancellor, has displayed two qualities that are indispensable for the office of chancellor: resilience and tenacity.

In the battle for the position of CDU chair, he managed to beat out Friedrich Merz, who is the better speaker, and Norbert Röttgen, who possesses the greater intellect. He also had to withstand being widely portrayed as a kind of sad clown following a number of awkward public appearances and an inconsistent approach to pandemic response efforts. And, to become the Union's candidate for chancellor, he had to outmaneuver CSU head Markus Söder, who is known for enjoying a political scrap, from which he usually emerges victorious. It seems safe to assume, then, that Laschet would also be able to stand up to the Söders of global politics.

He has plenty of experience, having spent the last four years as governor of North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's largest state by population. Indeed, it is home to almost a quarter of Germany's voters, and the political issues that must be addressed there are the same ones that a chancellor must deal with: large, expensive cities versus rural areas that have been left behind; a wealthy Rhineland versus a poor Ruhr Valley; an industrial base that provides lots of jobs versus environmentally minded groups who are hostile to industry. The state is also home to a large population of people with migration backgrounds. Laschet spent five years as his state's minister for integration.

His approach has always been one based on compromise and consensus. Like Angela Merkel, he has sought to avoid open conflict and to avoid pushing others away. He mediates more than he leads.

[...]

Does the Union Still Have the Strength To Lead?

Armin Laschet is running as a candidate for chancellor for two parties, the CDU and the CSU. The CSU did not and does not want him as their candidate, and there are also significant doubts about him in large parts of the CDU party base. The CDU’s parliamentary group in the Bundestag actually preferred Söder. The reality is that Laschet seems to only have the support of half a party instead of two.

The CDU has always been an election campaign machine – highly disciplined with its sights fixed on the goal: power. In normal times, it isn’t as plagued by doubts as the parties on the left. In the 2021 election year, though, it’s the other way around. The Greens seem like a machine that is just warming up. In the case of the CDU and CSU, you almost have to wonder if they still have enough fuel. Baerbock is leading a political fight, whereas Laschet seems to be heading up a kind of self-help group.

The CDU has never been overly focused on political platforms. Members have generally been satisfied with a rough political direction. After 16 years with Angela Merkel in the Chancellery, it's not really clear any longer where the party stands. Is the CDU still a conservative party? And what does that even mean today? What does it stand for, and what niche in the political market does it occupy exclusively? Answering that question requires quiet and time – but neither exist.

[...]

Does the SPD, and Scholz, Stand a Chance?

Even considering Olaf Scholz as a serious candidate for chancellor requires a certain amount of goodwill. The SPD is languishing in the polls at 15 percent, far behind the Greens and the CDU/CSU.

Scholz might himself say that he’s the only serious candidate for chancellor in terms of political skill. Of the three, he certainly brings the most and broadest political experience to the table. In this respect, he is far ahead of Baerbock. He has served as interior minister of the city-state of Hamburg, mayor of the city with its population of nearly 2 million and, for the past three years, as Germany’s finance minister and vice chancellor. In the SPD, he served as an official with the youth wing of the party, as the head of the state chapter in Hamburg, as the general secretary of the national party, as deputy chair of the national executive committee and as acting party chairman.

Scholz is a man with an eye for detail. He can plow his way through massive mountains of files, he knows his facts and enjoys the reputation of being a reliable and highly intelligent politician. But he has suffered a few blemishes in his career. During his time as Hamburg’s mayor, he failed to prepare the city for the massive riots that accompanied the 2017 G-20 summit when it was hosted there. As finance minister, he also bears political responsibility for the failure of the financial supervisory authorities to detect irregularities at Wirecard, a German blue-chip company that went bust after reporting that 1.9 billion euros in assets it had reported probably didn’t exist. That shadow lies over his election campaign. Baerbock, meanwhile, doe no have such shadows looming over her: She’s had fewer chances to make serious mistakes so far.

Scholz’s biggest problem is his arrogance. It’s possible he’ll feel superior to Annalena Baerbock – and any derogatory remarks about the younger woman would hurt him. He’s going to have to hold it together. And that’s something he is capable of doing.

It’s likely he would be a solid leader for Germany – in that sense, he’s not much of a risk. But it’s also unlikely that he would bring much that is new to the table.

Is the SPD a Help or a Hindrance to Scholz?

The SPD didn’t want Scholz as chairman. He landed in second place in the party-member vote. But he was nevertheless able to secure the party’s nomination for chancellor because of the lack of an alternative. All the same, the SPD has been unusually united behind their candidate since August. This also has to do with the fact that Scholz hasn’t claimed any "legroom” for himself like former SPD chancellor candidate Peer Steinbrück.

Scholz’s positions have long since ceased to be part of the party’s mainstream, which has moved significantly to the left in recent years. But he has been holding back on issues like the recent controversy over arming drones. That’s also a difference between the SPD and the Greens. There, Baerbock and Habeck are firmly calling the shots in their party.

The economic crisis caused by the pandemic allowed Scholz to abandond his balanced budget policy, which was unpopular with the left of the party, without being seen as a flip-flopper. It has given him room to make some promises for social spending during the campaign.

Scholz and party chair Saskia Esken are worlds apart in terms of their political views, meaning it is quite possible that heated conflicts will erupt during the election campaign. Kevin Kühnert, the SPD’s most gifted power player, is always good for a surprise. Esken is, as well. But if that were to happen, the Greens would be the ones who stood to profit. In terms of political views, there are no significant differences between Baerbock and Habeck.

Scholz has decided to campaign for the next few months without assembling a shadow cabinet. And who would he have to fill it with anyway? SPD political heavyweights like Andrea Nahles, Sigmar Gabriel and Martin Schulz have all stepped aside. Besides Scholz, the only other SPD member of the current government cabinet still considered suitable for a ministry post in the next government is Labor Minister Hubertus Heil. The SPD also seems to be drained of its energy at the end of the Merkel era.

[...]

Does that cover it? Well, there’s also the possibility of another grand coalition, of course, the government coalition between the conservatives and the SPD that Germans became accustomed to during the Merkel era. During this election campaign, we are sure to hear over and over again that this is out of the question and that this government was the exception and that the CDU/CSU and SPD have too little in common to be able to seriously push the country forward.

Those were the same words we heard during the 2017 election. Then, on the night of the election, a majority was secured for a government that would include the CDU/CSU, the FDP and the Greens. The SPD was all too happy to be able to leave the government and go into the political opposition. But then negotiations between the CDU/CSU, the Greens and the FDP collapsed, forcing another grand coalition with the Social Democrats.

Is history repeating itself? Annalena Baerbock, more than anybody, has the answer to that question in her hands.


https://www.spiegel.de/interna...79-a595-853b26113ca3
 
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Well if you look at the auto-updated poll tracker two posts up, the Greens actually took the lead over the Christian Democrats for about two weeks. During that period the nervousness of both Green supporters and opponents was palpable in frequent references to the meteoric rise and fall of Social Democratic candidate Martin Schulz in the polls ahead of the 2017 elections; but for a time, the Greens had only to be quiet and look nice while their main contenders CDU/CSU and SPD were flailing, and mostly hurting themselves.

In the SPD, there is increasing worry that their man Olaf Scholz alone will not make any gains, let alone achieve a poll result in the high 20s which he has optimistically announced to be possible. Still he shows no intention to form a shadow cabinet of sorts, and the left-wing party leader duo with which he's ideologically at odds has been notably absent from the stage. The CDU had their own personnel issues after their district chapters in Suhl, Thuringia nominated former head of domestic intelligence Hans-Georg Maaßen (who got relieved in 2018 over controversial statements on the Chemnitz riots following the killing of a Cuban-German by a Syrian) to run for parliament as replacement for incumbent Mark Hauptmann (who was one of the MPs involved in the affair over kickbacks for public mask procurement). As Maaßen has since emerged as a right-winger with a slight conspiratory bend, that was not well received in parts of the party, let alone the political competition.

By last week however, some stutter had appeared in the Green run. The party's Baden-Württemberg state chapter started proceedings to expel controversial Tübingen city mayor Boris Palmer from the party after he jumped into the latest racism tempest in a soccer cup, making an inflammatory Facebook post about a black player who had been called a "token black guy" by a board member of club Hertha Berlin. Palmer has frequently angered the party like that, usually over immigration issues. Yet this is not necessarily something the Greens can use in campaign season; it took the SPD years of public fighting to get rid of similarly controversial former Berlin financial senator Thilo Sarrazin. Then with the recent Israeli-Palestinian flare-up, people started asking about Green candidate Annalena Baerbock's ability to deal with international crises like these.

She did in fact deliver some ammunition to critics of her inexperience, like crediting Germany's trademark system of a social market economy to SPD policy of the 60s rather than its commonly acknowledged father, 40s/50s CDU minister of economy and later chancellor Ludwig Erhard, in a Bundestag speech; and her initial statements on the conflict in Israel left room for attacks that they were contradictory. Unlike the two other major candidates, she also had to improve on an earlier stance regarding defense cooperation with Israel, as she had been critical on the 2018 deal to deliver additional submarines due to suggestions that they might be used as nuclear platforms. On the interview track, she faced hardball questions over the often-noted moralistic and paternalistic tendencies of her party from public broadcaster ZDF, in marked contrast to the initial extensive interview by private station Pro7.

For good measure it emerged that she reported some payments from her party from 2018-2020 as extra income to Bundestag administration well after the required three-month period this March. These are not really huge sums, and the Greens don't pay their leaders a regular salary if they are already Bundestag members. As usual, the real problem are their own high claims to morality, in this case on transparency regarding extra income of MPs, a long-controversial issue. The Greens have demanded that such income should be reported as exact sums rather than in the current rough system of ten levels covering a range of 1,000-10,000 to more than 250,000 Euro annually. Yet Baerbock had hers reported quietly under this system without any publicity at a time everybody was screaming about the Conservatives' kickback affair. It remains to be seen if this impacts her credibility.

More entertaining, a national "Fridays for Future" climate strike organizer and Green member attacked CDU candidate Armin Laschet on a political talkshow over legitimizing "racist, anti-Semitic, identitarian and science-denying content" by being silent on Hans-Georg Maaßen's nomination in Thuringia. She didn't elaborate on the anti-Semitism charge when questioned, but sympathetic media helpfully pointed out that Maaßen once shared a link to the blog of some guy from California who allegedly has denied the Holocaust in a since-deleted tweet, and is frequently using terms also used by conspiracy buffs with anti-Semitic tinges, like "globalists", "the Great Reset", etc.

That backfired hugely after the international Instagram account of "Fridays for Future" made several pro-BDS and pro-Palestinian posts invoking the blood of martyrs for the land, and Greta Thunberg shared a tweet of Canadian BDS supporter Naomi Klein criticizing only Israeli "war crimes" without mentioning the rocket attacks by Hamas. This led to demands in Germany that the national organization should distance itself. They subsequently tweeted a milquetoast statement that anti-Semitism is "present in many different parts of society" and must be clearly opposed, without naming any names. When pressed, activists elaborated that the national chapter had little influence on what happened in their international social media accounts, but they were in a "clarification process", etc. That was when the second post on the international account hit, on top of a debate about the usual anti-Israeli protests by the local pro-Palestinian camp.

All that has led to the Greens dipping below CDU/CSU again for now. The upcoming national Green convention from 11-13 June is the next point of nervousness for friend and foe; the notoriously debate-happy Green base has filed 3,000 motions to amend the campaign platform. One to strike "Germany." from the title that continues "Everything's in it" has already drawn derision and criticism from other parties. If Israel is still going hot in three weeks, acrimonious discussion in a party where sympathies in that conflict are rather divided could be a receipe for embarrassment. For now, the Greens have however managed to pull distinctly ahead of the SPD in projected districts won directly, something that used to be decided between Christian and Social Democrats when they were the two major parties (note again that this has little impact on seat distribution in parliament though, which is decided by the national popular vote).

 
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